Over the four years of the full-scale war, Dmitri’s (name of the hero changed for security reasons) path looks like a closed circle: from the “DPR” army to desertion, from desertion to an illegal torture chamber in the former mine automation plant in Makeyevka, from the pit to an assault group near Pokrovsk, from the assault to a Ukrainian landing under an anti-drone cloak, from the landing to a hospital in Volgograd, from the hospital to desertion again. He is now in his thirties. He does not have a Russian passport, the Ukrainian one has been lost since 2022, and there is no military ID or contract either. The salary card is issued on the phone of its commander. Dmitry has been on the wanted list since 2023. He has already been caught five times and returned to the war. Now the man again deserted from the army and is hiding in Russia. Dmitry told ASTRA about his journey, about the tortures and nullifies in his unit, and how he managed to escape from his commanders so many times.
Until 2022, Dmitry worked at a “kopanka,” an illegal coal mine, of which there were hundreds in the Donbas after 2014. It was there that he lost his Ukrainian passport in 2022. He never had any Russian documents, as the “kopanka” operates on a cash basis and does not require paperwork. Essentially, by the beginning of the full-scale war, Dmitry was a person without a documented record in the state: They are not registered as employees, are not tied to a specific address, and do not have a foreign passport, or records in the pension system. This category of residents of the “DPR” was the most vulnerable to mobilization after the annexation on September 30, 2022, as there was no one to search for them, protect them, or even count them.
After escaping from the war and the refusenik camp, Dmitry worked unofficially at a funeral home in Makeyevka. According to him, he worked there unofficially, and his duties included the entire funeral process, including digging graves. The other employees were understanding of his situation.
Dmitry still didn’t have any documents, and he had yet to receive his Russian passport. A man in uniform, who introduced himself as an assistant to the commandant of Yenakievo, stopped the funeral service’s minibus. Dmitry was pulled out of the vehicle and handcuffed.
This was the beginning of his fifth return to the DPR army in four years, and his third time being held in an illegal prison on the territory of the former mine automation plant in Makeyevka. The existence of this torture chamber was first reported by ASTRA in October 2024, when we interviewed three soldiers from the 1st Slavic Brigade of Military Unit 41680 who had escaped. One of those three was Dmitry. He tells ASTRA that almost nothing has changed in the penal camp over the past year, except that the conditions have become harsher and the number of people being sent through it has increased.
According to Dmitry, the unit where those who have already passed through the pit are sent has started practicing “zeroing out” — when a soldier who refuses to fight is deliberately sent on a deadly mission or killed by his own people under the guise of evacuation. In Dmitry’s eyes, according to him, a 28-year-old soldier from Chelyabinsk with the call sign “Ural” died this way.
“The door is different, and the cage has been added.” What has changed in the torture chamber over the past year
After the previous escape, which wrote ASTRA, the administration made changes. According to Dmitry, the way he and two others escaped in 2024 — by jumping from the second floor and climbing down the antenna wire — is now blocked.
“The door is different, the cage is welded, the lock is added, and they also use handcuffs in addition to the lock. It’s impossible to escape,” Dmitry says.
A punishment cell was set up on the factory grounds.
“There’s no light at all, just darkness and a floor with nothing on it. That’s where they put those who’ve done something wrong. And there’s another pit, the one I’ve already been in. They’ve just remodeled it, completely filling the floor with cement. There are beds and everything.”
According to him, about 15-20 people were held at the former factory at the same time. During the three months that Dmitry spent there this time — from late October 2025 to February 2026 — he estimates that significantly more than 20 people passed through the facility: some were taken to the front lines, others were sent to solitary confinement, and still others were taken to unknown destinations.
Dmitry himself remembers the atmosphere well. According to him, the conditions have not changed since the last time he was there — there is little food and no medical care.
“When I was sick, no one gave me any medicine: no pills, nothing. The guys would just shove something in my mouth.”
He was reminded of ASTRA’s publication from a year ago.
“They told me back then: Why did you post it on ASTRA? We’re doing it the right way. I said, ‘What’s the right way?’ They threatened to beat me up. But they never did.”
The political officer of the 10th company of military unit 41680, according to Dmitry, is Alexander Gromakov, call sign “Grom”, a former district police officer in the city of Yenakiyevo. In the basement, Gromakov, according to Dmitry, was amusing himself by shooting at the prisoners with an airsoft gun.
“He’s walking around, giggling, laughing, and having fun. He’s shooting at the boys with a pellet gun. He didn’t shoot at me, no. Maybe it’s because I just walked in, or something else, I don’t know.”
“I have the card in my hands, and he has the contract.” How a commander issues salary cards to undocumented soldiers
One of the details that Dmitry recalls in the story as ordinary is how he was given a PSB salary card.
“They made me a card so that I could receive my salary. But they gave me the card and kept the contract and SIM card. Essentially, I have a plastic card in my hands. He went to the bank with me, and they made a card using my temporary military ID. They gave it to me and sent me on a combat mission a week later, before I even had a chance to receive my salary.
“He” is Gromakov. According to Dmitry, the bank card was issued through PSB, a bank that serves most of the contract soldiers of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The scheme is that the phone number to which the card is linked and the SIM card remain with the commander. This means that all SMS notifications about deposits and transactions are received by Gromakov. He also has the bank contract. The soldier only has a plastic card.
Dmitry says that after he was wounded and evacuated to Rostov, he called Gromakov to have the card blocked, as it was physically left in his backpack at the positions.
“I called him and said, ‘Block the card, I don’t have it.’ Well, he said he would block it. But I don’t know if he did or not.”
According to Dmitry, his mother received calls from the military unit informing her that the payments continued to be made to his card, even after Dmitry had been declared missing in action.
“Maybe he transferred the money to himself. I don’t know.”
This scheme works specifically with undocumented military personnel: Dmitry’s Ukrainian passport has been lost since 2022, and he does not have a Russian passport, military ID, or contract.
“No one will be sitting.” How military personnel are forced to go on assault missions instead of going to prison
Dmitry knew that he had a theoretical alternative to the front: a criminal case. According to Article 337 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, desertion during wartime can result in up to 10 years in prison. Paradoxically, this was a safer option than participating in an assault mission. Dmitry requested to be sent to a penal colony rather than join an assault group.
“I say: put me down. Go to jail. Let them judge me. I will no longer serve. The chief of Staff came and talked to me. He said: no one will sit down. Either I send you to the assault in any meat brigade, or you can continue to serve.”
According to Mediamonitor, in 2024, at least 2,150 natives of the “DNR” and 700 natives of the “LNR” were on the federal wanted list for desertion. In total, over the 3.5 years of the full-scale war, Russian military courts have issued at least 18,341 verdicts on desertion and SOCH charges. A significant portion of these verdicts are currently being issued by courts in the occupied territories, whose statistics are not publicly available.
“Let me reset it.” How the political officer and his subordinate organized the death of the soldier they wanted to eliminate
One of the victims Dmitry spoke about was 28-year-old Yegor with the call sign “Ural” from Chelyabinsk. Dmitry was with him in an illegal camp for detainees. (The identity of Yegor and the details of his death have not been verified by ASTRA journalists)
According to Dmitry, Egor returned to service after leaving the unit without permission. He spent nine days in the detention center before surrendering. He was held in the basement as a “defaulter” and was openly threatened in the unit.
“This commander,” Kondrat — – he was with me, with the boys in front of everyone, said: let me reset it better. That’s exactly what I said. More than once.”
“Kondrat” is the call sign of the commander of the assault unit of the 1st Slavic Brigade. Dmitry’s first and last name are unknown.
In February 2026, Egor was sent on a “removal of the corpses of the dead” as part of a group of four people. “Kondrat” went with him. According to Dmitry, he found out about this only after Egor did not return.
“There were four of them. “Kondrat”, Yegor, and two others. They were evacuating the bodies. Then three of them returned. “Kondrat” was alive and unharmed. The other two were also unharmed. However, Yegor was killed. It is said that he was struck by a drone. But how is it possible that one person was killed by a drone, while the other three were not even injured?”
According to Dmitry, Yegor’s death was openly discussed.
“The guys themselves say, ‘We don’t understand how he died. There were four of them, three of them came back alive, but he died in some strange way.’ That’s what everyone says.”
ASTRA was unable to independently confirm the death of the Ural, as the 1st Slavic Brigade’s casualty lists are closed, and according to Dmitry, the body was sent to Chelyabinsk via Rostov.
“When I got there, I realized that they also sent me to reset. On that assignment, near the village of Novoekonomicheskoe. They gave me a sapper’s shovel, grenades, and that was it. No papers, nothing. They didn’t even look at me from 50 meters away. Do you understand? I mean, they weren’t even watching to see if I got there or not. They didn’t care.”
“He lived in Moscow for 2.5 years, and was caught on camera.” How facial recognition is being used to bring deserters back to the front
Another soldier who was in the basement with Dmitry had come from Moscow, where he had been living peacefully for two and a half years.
“He had already passed the medical examination, and the only doctor left was a psychologist, who had to confirm that his mental state was impaired. In other words, he was almost discharged. He had been living in Moscow for 2.5 years. That was it. One day, he said he wanted to go for a walk. He went to the bus station. And that’s how he was caught on camera.”
According to Dmitry, after the arrest, all the medical examinations he had undergone were canceled, and he was returned to his unit. Dmitry does not know what happened to him after that.
This is not the first recorded case of facial recognition systems being used to bring draft evaders back to the war. OVD-Info and Mediamonitor have reported on the use of Moscow’s cameras to detain mobilized soldiers and deserters.
“The Third Reserve”. How the wounded are prepared for re-deployment instead of the Military Medical Commission
In February 2026, Dmitry was sent from the basement to the village of Novoekonomicheskoye, a township northeast of Pokrovsk, one of the key nodes of the Pokrovsk direction, where heavy assault battles took place in the winter of 2025-2026. The Russian command sought to close the ring around the Pokrovsk-Myrhorod agglomeration, and the Russian Armed Forces were losing a significant number of assault groups on this front. Dmitry was included in one of these groups. The day before, he had been promised something different.
“First, they said that while the documents were being made, you would be delivering ammunition. It’s safer. You’ll be bringing the ammunition to the positions. That’s it. Then, you’ll be given a saper, grenades, and you’ll be on your way.”
A group of three men was led by Russian drones. One of the three, with the call sign “Svetly,” went missing, and Dmitry saw the other man for the first time. Dmitry turned off his radio and lay down in the landing area under an anti-drone cloak.
“I lay under the cloak for two days. Birds flew over my head, but they didn’t touch me. I know that if I moved, everything would be over.”
Two days later, he was picked up by Russian soldiers from a nearby unit. He spent four days with them in a bunker. Then he started to make his way out on his own.
“I walked 500 meters a day. In short bursts. Because of the birds. I spent the night in ruined houses. I ate the “corks”” that were left in the cellars. I drank water from a puddle.”
Near Ocheretino, the car in which Dmitry was traveling with his fellow passengers was hit by a Ukrainian drone. Dmitry was injured by shrapnel, with wounds to the right side of his body and his forehead. He was evacuated by helicopter to Rostov, and then by train to a hospital in Volgograd.
By this time, he had been missing for several weeks. According to Dmitry, his mother, who had learned of his disappearance from her friends, called Gromakov herself.
“When she called, he was like, ‘Oh, I was just about to call you.’ So he didn’t even tell her that I was missing. I was missing, and he didn’t even care.”
At the hospital, Dmitry was told that he would be transferred to the “third reserve” and promised a category G and a leave. However, other wounded soldiers in the ward warned him.
“The guys say don’t believe it. They might not finish treating you and throw you anywhere. In the assaults, where there aren’t enough people, to patch the holes. That’s what they do: transfer you to the “rezbat” and then back. Without any commission.”
“Third reserve” is an intra-brigade designation for a reserve unit where wounded soldiers are transferred after leaving the hospital. This practice, in which the VVK is replaced by a transfer to the “rezbat” with subsequent return to combat units, has been repeatedly described by military personnel in their appeals to lawyers and human rights activists. Formally, it contradicts the Ministry of Defense Order No. 700 dated December 30, 2015, “On the Organization of Medical Support for Military Personnel.”
Dmitry didn’t wait. A friend from Volgograd picked him up from the hospital in a car.
“I’ve been in the SOCs since 2023.” A vicious cycle of investigation
In Volgograd, Dmitry tried to obtain a temporary passport in order to cross the border and leave Russia. However, he was unable to obtain it.
“I was detained by police officers in Volgograd. They said I was wanted. I said, ‘What kind of wanted?’ They said, ‘Since 2023, in the SOChs. According to Article 337. I said, ‘Well, then remove me from the wanted list, because I’m currently serving.’ They said, ‘As long as the case is ongoing, we won’t be able to remove you.’”
In the Investigative Committee in Volgograd, Dmitry was told that as long as the criminal case for desertion in 2023 is not closed, he will remain on the wanted list, regardless of what happened to him afterward. Essentially, the state has simultaneously declared him a deserter (and is searching for him in a criminal case) and sent him to the front without any documents (and through a torture chamber, bypassing any legal procedure). These two systems—the investigation and the military—are not coordinated with each other.
This is a typical situation for natives of the “DNR” and “LNR”, who automatically received the status of Russian military personnel after the annexation on September 30, 2022. After the signing of the relevant constitutional law, military investigators gained the ability to classify desertion as a crime under Russian Article 337, even if the person had never signed a contract with the Russian Ministry of Defense.
“Now in Donetsk in general lawlessness. VPshniks check documents at bus stations. GAI stops cars and checks all who are inside. The cops go to apartments with photos – looking. Mom show: this guy saw? And she says: well, I saw, an acquaintance. And he that, someone killed? No, they say, in the federal search, in CОЧ. And mother them: well, what, he that, robbed someone? Go fight for yourself.”
“I must be a fool”
Dmitry said that after he escaped from the hospital in Volgograd and found himself “on the big land,” he called Gromakov himself.
“I was probably a fool, of course. I called him from the hospital. I said, ‘Take me off the list of missing people. I’m alive. I don’t want my mother to worry.’ I didn’t realize at the time that I would have the opportunity to stay. I thought, ‘Okay, I’ll go back to serving.’”
It was only after he escaped from the hospital that Dmitry realized he had a chance not to return.
“Now I realize I shouldn’t have called. They didn’t know where I was. I told them. I was a fool.”
After that, according to Dmitry, Gromakov started calling both his mother and him. Dmitry posted a post in one of the DPR Mobilization chat rooms with photos of Gromakov and accusations against him.
“Gromakov immediately called my mother. He threatened her. He said, ‘Your son better delete it, or it’ll be bad.’ Well, I didn’t delete it.”
“Our people in the DPR are running out”
Dmitry is currently hiding in Russia. He has no documents, no money, and no legal way to leave the country. According to him, his mother and younger brother, who was also detained by the Yenakievo Commandant’s Office in October 2025, remain in Donetsk. His brother is currently stationed in one of the units of the 1st Army Corps.
“Our people in the DPR are running out. I understand that there’s no point in staying there, I’ll be caught again. And I’ll be sent again. And they’ll try to kill me again. Something has to happen. Either they kill me, or I’ll get out.”
This is Dmitry’s sixth attempt to escape. All of the previous five ended with his being detained and returned to the military unit.
Author: Maxim Larionov.
